Martin Janoušek

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Second, the theories of the social contract are drawn from certain representations of the parties to let the electoral situation determine. However, this objective of the determinants may have the effect of eliminating the pluralism of the parties in the first place, which was the initial impetus of the treaty. In his lectures on the history of political philosophy, Rawls says that „the normalization of party interests“ is „with social-contractual doctrines“ and that it is necessary to unite the perspectives of the various parties to build a „common position“ (2007, 226). Here, Rawls seems to suggest that it is necessary to „normalize“ the parties` prospects in order to obtain determination in the contractual proceedings. For Hobbes, the need for absolute authority, in the form of a sovereign, arose from the absolute brutality of the state of nature. The state of nature was totally unbearable, and rational people would be willing to submit even to absolute authority to escape it. For John Locke, 1632-1704, the state of nature is a completely different kind of place, and his argument about the social contract and the nature of men`s relationship to authority is therefore quite different. While Locke Hobbes uses the methodical device of the state of nature, like virtually all theorists of the social contract, he uses it at a completely different end. Locke`s arguments for the social contract and the right of citizens to revolt against their king had a huge influence on the democratic revolutions that followed, especially on Thomas Jefferson and the founders of the United States. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was the first modern philosopher to articulate a detailed contractual theory. According to Hobbes, the lives of individuals in the state of nature were „lonely, poor, wicked, brutal and short“, a state where self-interest and the absence of rights and contracts prevented society or society.

Life was „anarchic“ (without leadership or concept of sovereignty). Individuals in the state of nature were apolitical and antisocial. This situation is followed by the social contract. Roussau`s political theory differs in important ways from that of Locke and Hobbes. Roussau`s collectivism is most evident in his evolution of the „light conception“ (which he attributed to Denis Diderot) of the general will. Rousseau argues that a citizen cannot pursue his true interest through a selfish, but must submit to the law created by citizenship acting collectively. The social contract provides an attractive justification for political power because it reconciles the power of the state with the freedom and equality of each. This is why some have asked whether the social contract on relations between citizens of a single state can be generalized to relations between national states. Rousseau argues that both states and individuals are encouraged to enter into a contract if there is „no common and permanent rule for the assessment“ of claims against you. [4] Rousseau calls this treaty a confederation in which each party renounces any will to conquer, in exchange for a guarantee that neither side will attack them: „It is good for [the powers of Europe] to give up what they want to guarantee what they possess.“ [5] In the early platonic dialogue, Crito, Socrates makes a compelling argument as to why he should remain in prison and accept the death penalty instead of fleeing and exiled to another Greek city.